For a European Consciousness

Manifesto for a European Consciousness

As Presidents of the Semaines sociales de France and the Zentralkomitee der deutschen Katholiken, two catholic lay movements active in the religious and social dialogue, we turn today to the public in both our countries and throughout Europe in general. Following in the Franco-German tradition of active participation in the programmes aimed at bringing about Europe's reconstruction, we are affirming our commitment to the discussion which has developed in European civil society over the past years. Our initiative welcomes all Christian lay movements interested in taking part in the creation of a European consciousness.

1. Introduction

What is the source of the widespread feeling of disillusionment among the peoples of Europe? Are the achievements accomplished by two generations of builders of Europe perhaps not impressive enough? Vaclav Havel provided a striking answer: "I cannot rid myself of the feeling that everything achieved so far is the result of work done in a bygone age and in a different context. This project is just drifting along without really new impulses and without real knowledge of the situation. One might think that this Europe which we are building is not sufficiently aware of the new context in which it is developing and cannot therefore reflect on and analyze its essential nature".

It is this realization which provides the backdrop to our manifesto. We want to help create a European consciousness in those societies constituting today's and tomorrow's European Union. The heritage of our common history is not enough to provide the foundation for a genuine common consciousness. Only a comprehensive understanding of man can create such awareness. Such an understanding is based on Judeo-Christian traditions, those of the Greco-Roman world and the spirit of the Enlightenment. It is characterized by the following elements: concern for others, a willingness to view the present in terms of a common challenge, an open-mindedness truly lived and based on modesty rather than arrogance and a relationship between spirituality and politics able to guarantee individual freedom of conscience. The concrete consequences of such a philosophy will become apparent in this manifesto. However, we are also concerned with the potential fascination exercised by the European Union over its citizens. We believe that Europe's apparently dwindling attractions result not from its institutional weaknesses but also and perhaps above all from a lack of commitment on the part of all those involved – whether they are responsible at a political level or involved as citizens supporting the European project.

We have chosen to speak today because we have noted a discrepancy between the ambitious plans for the European project on the one hand and the characteristic lack of basic orientation necessary to reconstruct Europe today. We are concerned about the lack of clarity with regard to objectives, the modest expectations held by citizens, the uncertainty over the form the future Union could take and the discrepancy between plans and the means necessary for their implementation. The long-awaited mobilization of our citizens can only take place on the basis of truthfulness.

It is our conviction that Europe is more than just an historic achievement. Europe must remain a hope: what use are institutions if they do not bring hope for greater democracy, what use is a single currency if there is no social cohesion, what use are global markets if there is no hope that these markets will be responsibly structured.

2. What unites us

We have offered EU membership to some of the Central and Eastern European states - but what exactly is it that we are inviting them to join? We feel that the "ethos", the moral basis of the European project, is the decisive issue here. What image does Europe have of itself? What concept lies behind Europe's contribution to a global political order? We believe that there should be one singe and identical ethos underlying both the European project and EU enlargement. This is all the more important in view of the fact that we share neither a common language, nor a joint culture or religion. Our joint convictions must provide the foundations on which we can build. We need to recollect the basic principles and structures on which European society is founded.

These correspond to the personal and social character of Europeans and constitute the basic consensus upon which the European Union has hitherto developed so successfully. The fact that peace has become a symbol of the Union merely reflects the fruitfulness of these values. All political efforts are directed at maintaining peace. Neither did peace come by itself, nor will it stay of its own accord. It must be created and constantly safeguarded. This at least has been Europe's experience since the Second World War. We believe therefore that it is important to specify the basic principles from which the European project derives.

1) Freedom and Subsidiarity

A political order without freedom leads inevitably to totalitarian rule and squanders the potential of individuals capable of free thought. At a social level, subsidiarity has the same significance as freedom at personal level.

2) Responsibility and Solidarity

The central characteristics of a humane society are the individual's willingness to assume responsibility and his striving for justice. The corresponding regulatory principle is solidarity protecting society from destructive individualism.

3) Tolerance and Pluralism

Personal tolerance is the first precondition for surmounting potential ethnic, cultural or religious conflict. The corresponding social regulatory principle is based on the recognition of the plurality of our societies and the differences existing between them. Mutual exchange, respect of others and reconciliation of opposing positions can then become the decisive prerequisites for the preservation of peace.

As Christians, we are convinced that these basic principles can serve as the focal point necessary to achieve a pan-European consensus on values and as concrete criteria for joint political action.

At the same time, these basic principles are of paramount importance when it comes to achieving transparency and progress in Europe. That is why these criteria must be coherently applied in individual policy areas. Then and only then will our fellow citizens cease to see Europe as a threat and view it as a political instrument for surmounting future challenges and overcoming the fears and insecurity associated with more freedom.

Drafting a European Charter of Basic Rights could contribute to creating a European identity, insofar as it provides for legally binding implementation. The Charter should contain the basic principles of European democracies and be ceremoniously adopted by the populations of all member states (by direct vote or through parliament, depending on the political traditions of the country in question). The European Union would then have an appropriate instrument with which to react to deviations from the principles set out in the Charter such as racial, xenophobic or anti-Semitic statements which isolated politicians might be tempted to make.

3. European Identity as a Social Identity

Neither Christian tradition nor the Enlightenment believes that individual freedom can be achieved in social isolation. Development of an individual's personality is contingent upon a holistic and mutual relationship with others. For society as a whole this means that there can be no lasting peace without social justice. In this context, we might need to take account of differences in the definition of social justice arising in part, at least, from discrepancies in the different levels of economic development. However, social justice is an absolute prerequisite for stable and sustained economic growth. This conviction is so deeply rooted in the history of our respective countries that a European identity would be unthinkable without it today and tomorrow.

Those in positions of responsibility in associations and trade unions as well as the many business people working in associations and organizations testify to this principle every day: economic efficiency, competitiveness and the resulting forces of creativity are by no means irreconcilable with an open striving for social justice. This also applies in the context of globalization.

On the basis our Christian belief and the resulting experiences we would like to emphasize the importance of four concrete pre-conditions which should help create a fruitful tension between economic and social areas.

The first pre-condition concerns the status accorded by our societies to all the disadvantaged communities, groups and individuals threatened by social isolation. Recognition and with it integration of these social groups (the long-term unemployed, the homeless, the handicapped, immigrants and asylum-seekers) is necessary if society as a whole is to survive and requires the provision of adequate public and private means as a matter of priority. However, this is not enough. The most successful strategies for social re-integration in Europe are aimed at "participational justice". This refers to a new correlation between the rights enjoyed by groups receiving support from society and their obligation to contribute in return. Communities must make sure that participation is possible without curtailing freedom.

The second pre-condition closely linked to the traditions of the European social model is rooted in successful social dialogue. Social dialogue at European level provides the framework and a binding focal point for a fruitful social dialogue at national level. It is, however, far from adequate and still has a long way to go before achieving the demands made upon it. The reasons for this are not to be found at an institutional but at a political level. We encourage employer and trade union federations in our countries to intensify cooperation with partner federations thereby reinforcing the social dialogue at European level. There are plenty of opportunities for them to take their own initiatives based on the possibilities open to them.

The third pre-condition concerns a revision of EU regulations governing competition. The competition developing in Europe brings with it innovation and the creation of new jobs. However, it is meeting with justified opposition directed at the inadequate regulations governing framework conditions for competition which are currently in effect only at national level. In particular, the failure to introduce a general policy on taxation harmonization encourages unfair competition and aggravates inequality in that it favours businesses involving capital at the expense of those which create jobs for less qualified workers. In this manner, the lack of harmonization contributes towards structural unemployment.

The fourth condition concerns the elaboration of new principles of social justice. The equilibrium and dynamism prevalent in Europe for many decades since the Second World War were made possible largely by the constitutional establishment of social rights, i.e., of an individual's rights as guaranteed by society. In view of what has been achieved thus far and the limitations of the welfare state these social rights will have to be reviewed and updated. The concomitant burdens cannot be carried solely by various public corporations but should also be shouldered by citizens in direct responsibility - as provided for by the principle of subsidiarity. A European Charter of Basic Rights which sets high standards for social rights could constitute an important symbolic basis for future developments in the European Union as well as for its international identity.

4. Europe's Responsibility for Peace and Justice in One World

Europe was responsible for the major geographical discoveries of which today's globalization are a distant successor. It is also responsible for some of the worst conflicts in the history of mankind. However, Europe now appears to be turning away from its search for a global world in which mutual dependence and risks but also solidarity are on the increase. Instead, it seems to find itself confronted again - unprepared and to its own surprise - with crisis situations and wars on its own doorstep (surely this is the only way to describe the events in the Balkans).

If Europe wants to equip itself with the political means to take on its international responsibilities in the service of peace and justice, it needs to proceed decisively in three directions.

1) Developing international law and creating a global order to guarantee its observation. Europe must make a special contribution towards defining the criteria and pre-conditions governing the justified use of humanitarian assistance for the protection of human rights. The experiences of the past years have shown the use of force as a last resort to be preceded by measures on conflict prevention and pre-military sanctions as well as with follow-up action plans for building a state based on the rule of law and creating a civil society. The Stabilization Pact for the Balkans should be viewed as an opportunity to prepare the countries of south-east Europe for future membership of the EU. This would not only present one of the most promising guarantees for lasting peace on our continent but would also test the Union's ability to commit itself consistently to peace. Great determination will be required of our political leaders to implement the joint EU foreign and security policy currently under consideration. Initially, this might only be possible with some but not all of the member states. However, it is important that Europe takes its own destiny in hand to safeguard the security of its peoples rather than remaining a passive onlooker.

2) Stepping up the fight against Underdevelopment. The temptation to rest on one's laurels is great – as demonstrated by the diminishing assistance provided in the field of development cooperation. It is based on the – false – belief that a successful integration into deregulated world markets is enough to solve the problems of southern states. Globalization might provide hope for the development of these countries but should not be used as an alibi for diminishing solidarity. Not all countries come equipped with the same basic prerequisites and globalization also contributes towards the creation of inequality. The European Union must at least continue its current aid efforts and try to provide this assistance more efficiently by speaking with one voice in the appropriate multi-national institutions and observing the existing efficient structures in bilateral development cooperation at national level – in particular at the level of NGOs.

It is also important that the European Union's development cooperation is conceived and implemented in such as manner as to provide real assistance in combating poverty and that those states profiting from the assistance make real progress with regard to democracy and human rights.

3) Coming to grips with globalization. Without exception, all recent international crises – be they in the field of food safety, the stability of international finance markets, environmental protection or the spread of organized crime - show an increasing discrepancy between markets, goods, services, capital, private organizations and global communications on the one hand and the international regulation authorities on the other. Unless it intends to give in to the temptations of a purely economic approach, Europe must press for the reform of the global order. A new global order would need to reform institutions and the cooperation mechanisms necessary to cooperate more efficiently and democratically, more transparently and openly with threshold and developing countries.

5. Conclusion

We challenge those politically responsible for building the European house to increase their efforts on behalf of truthfulness. There will be no progress if the realities are kept hidden from the citizens. We consider it more sensible to keep the Governmental Conference in Nice at the end of year as open as possible and state the challenges presented by enlargement clearly – even if it means risking failure or a conflict situation - rather than adopting an obviously inadequate treaty.

We must find the courage to explain to the people in our countries why the European Union needs a genuine executive and that it would not replace national government. Such an executive would be accountable to the European Parliament and subject to strict observation of the principle of subsidiarity. Extending the authorization of the Commission could constitute a step in the direction of a stronger executive.

We hope that our efforts (including this text) to encourage truthfulness on the road to a united Europe comprising the entire continent, will lead to a renewed Franco-German initiative characterized by strength and integration.

In the spirit of truthfulness, we call for a European Charter as a true expression of basic rights. It must be capable of meeting the challenge we now face of achieving social cohesion in our countries.

However, we realize that the creation of a European consciousness requires more than the efforts of politicians. It is also our task. That is why we are sending this message out to all the movements sharing the values and objectives set out in this manifesto with the aim of claiming this consciousness as our own. It is for this reason that we turn to the members of our organizations. Their attitude and their actions – be they ever so modest – in concrete situations can bear witness to the importance of a European consciousness. They can do so by demonstrating openness for others regardless of differences and a willingness to commit oneself to the common weal of which even the poorest amongst us are a part.

"Europe is in search of itself; it knows that it holds its destiny in its hands. It has never come so close to its goal. God grant that it does not miss its hour of destiny – its last chance to secure its own welfare". (R. Schuman)

Jean Boissonat, Président des Semaines Sociales de France

Prof. Dr. Hans Joachim Meyer, Präsident des Zentralkomitees der deutschen Katholiken